Linguistics

New PDF release: Balkan syntax and semantics

By Olga Miseska Tomic

ISBN-10: 158811502X

ISBN-13: 9781588115027

ISBN-10: 902722790X

ISBN-13: 9789027227904

ISBN-10: 9027295395

ISBN-13: 9789027295392

The publication offers with a few syntactic and semantic facets of the shared Balkan Sprachbund houses. In a accomplished introductory bankruptcy, Tomić bargains an summary of the Balkan Sprachbund houses. Sobolev, exhibiting the areal distribution of sixty five homes, argues for dialect cartography. Friedman, at the instance of the evidentials, argues for typologically proficient areal rationalization of the Balkan homes. the opposite contributions research particular phenomena: polidefinite DPs in Greek and Aromanian (Campos and Stavrou), Balkan buildings within which datives mix with impersonal clitics or non-active morphology (Rivero), Balkan optatives (Ammann and Auwera), central strength within the Balkan languages (Isac and Jakab), clitic placement in Greek imperatives (Bošković), concentrated ingredients in Romanian and Bulgarian (Hill), man made and analytic tenses in Romanian (D'Hulst, Coene and Avram), "purpose-like" amendment in a couple of Balkan languages (Bužarovska), Balkan modal existential “wh”-constructions (Grosu), baby and grownup suggestions in examining empty matters in Serbian/Croatian (Stojanović and Marelj), conditional sentences in Judeo-Spanish (Montoliu and Auwera).

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38 (2444-2490) Olga Mišeska Tomi´c Bare subjunctive constructions are dealt with by two papers in this volume. While Ammann and Auwera demonstrate that bare subjunctive constructions are used to express volition not only in the languages of the Balkans, but also elsewhere in southern Europe, Isac and Jakab are concerned with the derivation of the imperative force of the structure and propose that the imperative Force features be hosted in MoodP – a projection placed in the left periphery of the sentence, which is lower than the highest CP projection.

Sg (%edno pismo). sg na EDNO DETE. sg na edno dete. e. not focused). Thus, though both the direct object in (34a) and the one in (34b) are specific, only the direct object in (33a), which is not focused, can be clitic-doubled: (34) a. 1sg with pleasure një birë. ’ b. aor even NJË BIRRË para se të shkonte. 24 (1522-1591) Olga Mišeska Tomi´c In Modern Greek, specific direct objects – whether definite or indefinite – are cliticdoubled if topicalized. sg Maria. ’ MG b. cl paro. ’ (35) a. In situ direct objects are also clitic-doubled if discourse linked or familiar, especially if they are definite.

Sg Maria. ’ MG b. cl paro. ’ (35) a. In situ direct objects are also clitic-doubled if discourse linked or familiar, especially if they are definite. MG Tus PIRA tus markadhorus. ’ b. (%Tis) ELISA merikes askisis me diskolia. ’ (36) a. Modern Greek indirect objects are, however, clitic-doubled only when definite. gen to vivlio. ’ MG b. cl to vivlio. ’ (37) a. In Romanian, direct object clitic doubling is contingent on specificity, topicality and humanness. Human direct objects are clitic-doubled even when not topicalized or specific:39 (38) a.

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Balkan syntax and semantics by Olga Miseska Tomic


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